Definition of Race

NOTE: The following text are messages of my (Floyd Ingram's) views and opinions or those (supported by me) of others posted in a discussion group, message board, etc. Most are replies to original messages.

Definition of Race

Date: Thu, 9 Nov 1995 17:33:25 EST
From: Rodney Coates
Subject: Re: RACE AND SOCIAL CONTROL

I promised more so here it is:
when last we talked I made the following observations:
Race, a socially constructed means of social control, serves to
perpetuate economic, social, political, psychological, religious,
ideological and legal systems of inequality. If you could imagine s
series of concentric circles, each labled according to the above list
(add more if you can think of them), which serve to define, structure
and limit the black experience - then the conceptualization of race
will be realized.

As concentric circles, these constraints appear to be much like a
bird cage. To the causual observer, each wire does not appear to be
sufficient in and of itself to retain the bird. But when viewed from
either within or as a whole we see a finely constructed cage. The
problem, from a pedogogical, policy, research, or activist
perspective, is that we tend to concentrate on only one wire-or
phemenon. Removal of which leads to great anticipation that the war
has been won. Unfortunately, while even more insideous wires are
being constructed, the others are left in tact.

As with our discussion re: terminology. The deeper we go, the more
we see. Race is a multi-layered, multi-dimensional janus headed beast
which, although socially constructed, has a momentum of its own. The
beast has a life of its own primarily because we (all of us) are
indoctrinated from birth, emershed in this viscious interacting web of
confusion.

The most viscious aspect of this emersion is the acceptance of the
permanance of the structure(s) that we call race. Part of this is
belied by such notions as its immutability, its endurance (its always
been this way, right ---wrong!!!) and its continual agility.

Racial domination as a means of social control appears to be quite
agile or adept at adjusting to changing social climates. When under
attack, it can be found deeply submerged in the societal psyche. As
conditions change, as new presures insist upon a sacrificial lamb, it
re-emerges - fresh, clean and newly adorned.

Race as a process of social construction:

Race is continually under construction through the various means of
socialization. The chief means of socialization are the family,
government, school, church, peers and friendship networks, work, and
of course the media. (note: this list is not intended to be exhaustive
but rather illustrative.) In this section we shall deal with the
family as it applies to the production, manipulation, alteration and
perpetuation of social constructs.
Children are not born with a concept of race or their identity
within a racial matrix fixed. These are learned and constantly
manipulated throughout ones life. From infancy to the 4th year,
children typically are unaware of their racial identity. After this
period, they seem preocuppied with it as evidenced by their ability to
lable themselves and significant others by virtue of physically
identifiable learned racial classifications. Race, may be viewed as
an rudementary extension of family. Within this institution
typically the child bonds with, identifies with and learns to perfer
this group above others. It is here that the infant first learns to
differientiate between self and others. As this process is extended to
those outside of the family racial categorization comes into being.
In this process of diffferentiation the child also learns the biases
implicitly and explicitly projected by significant role models and
socialization agents.

The interaction of these characterizations with those presented
(either implicitly or explicitly) through school, church, peers and
friendship networks, and the media serves to perserve and/or modify
ones attitudes with reference to racial identity.

What I am suggesting is a dynamic, as opposed to a static, process.

more on this later:

UU UU MMMM MMMM OOOOOOOO JJJJJJJJ A
UU UU MMMMM MMMMM OOOOOOOO JJJJJJJJ AAA
UU UU MM MM MM MM OO OO JJ AA AA
UU UU MM MM MM MM OO OO JJ AAAAAAA
UUUUUUU MM MM MM OOOOOOOO JJJJJJ AA AA
UUUUUUU MM MM MM OOOOOOOO JJJJJJ AA AA

i still be me...rodney c

and the struggle continues...

From fingram@wsnet.comThu Nov 16 19:56:54 1995
Date: Thu, 16 Nov 1995 19:16:27 -0600 (CST)
From: Floyd Ingram
To: Floyd Ingram
Subject: Race and Social Control

Date: Wed, 15 Nov 1995 11:33:30 EST
From: Rodney Coates
Subject: Race and Social Control: Part III

when last we talked I made the following observations: (Note new
section starts at the ####@@@@)

Race, a socially constructed means of social control, serves to
perpetuate economic, social, political, psychological, religious,
ideological and legal systems of inequality. If you could imagine s
series of concentric circles, each labled according to the above list
(add more if you can think of them), which serve to define, structure
and limit the black experience - then the conceptualization of race
will be realized.

Race as a process of social construction:

What I am suggesting is a dynamic, as opposed to a static, process.

####@@@@)

This dynamic process is, as indicated above, multifaceted,
multidemensional, time-geo-politically and class specific. The family
as the initial agent of socialization serves to introduce, perpetuate
and reinforce this dynamic process to the infant and child as it
encourages the continual(ous) formation racial identity matrices,
stereotypes, attitudes and behavior through play and toys, discourse,
sanctioning mechanisms, tv, music (etc) in implicit and explicit,
orchastrated and unintentional ways.
Typically socialization practices in these regards appear to reflect
intricate interactions between socio-economic status and race.Two
different processes seem operant depending upon family ses in regards
to the development, perpetuation and reinforcement of racial identity
matrices, and stereotypical attitudes and behavior. What I am
suggesting is that the lower the family ses the more conservative the
process. Alternatively, the higher the family's ses the more liberal
this socialization process will tend to be.

Before I proceed further, the terms liberal and conservative (as I
use them) needs clarification. Liberal in this context refers to the
increased likelihood that socialization practices will encourage
experimentation, creativity, and exploration in terms of racial
identity matrices, attitudes and behavior. Alternatively,
conservative suggests more rigidly defined and structured processes.
I know that these are generalizations and am aware of how this might
be misconstrued. At this point, let me offer the modification that
with more resources comes a greater ability to offer alternatives.
Alternatively, there is greater pressure (socially, psychically, and
otherwise) to conform for those members of lower ses family
structures. (I will spend more time on this at a later date. I am
extremely sensitive to the culture of poverty arguement, in fact my
argument is just the opposite. Those members of lower ses groups have
greater presures placed on them to conform to soceital norms to
include racial identity formation, more likely to be penalized for
expressions of difference, and least likely to be encouraged to do
otherwise. I do not want to imply that there is a culture of poverty.
Simply put, I would argue that there is a structure which serves to
limit options for those in lower ses groups. This structure is often
confused and mislabled as a culture of poverty.)
It is at this point that sexuality and/or gender identity must also
be considered. If you accept my assumption that there is increased
pressure to conform placed on lower ses families. Then it follows, to
the extent that racial status is also a form of social status, that
lower ses families who are also members of lower status racial groups
will experience the highest presssures to conform. What this implies
regarding gender identity formation is that these families will also
be more ridid in their interpretation and encouragement of gender
identity. There is also a tendency for higher levels of homophobia to
be experienced. Girls in such families will find more encouragement
to play with dolls, cooking sets, and to be generally docile. Boys is
such families will find more encouragement to play with baseball and
football, trucks and tanks, soldiers and guns. (Note all groups will
find these gendered identities reinforced by hitech toys particular
video games such as Sega and Nintendo).

Higher ses racial minority families, with fewer constraints, will be
more likely to encourage gender neutrality in the selection of toys,
games and attitudes. Females, from these families, will especially
benefit as they will be encouraged to play with such toys as erector
and chemistry sets, video games, and etc. There is a greater
likelihood, again due to increased resource capacity, for these video
games to highlight and feature women heroines.

This section I know is incomplete: I shall complete it next time.
Right now I would like to shift our attention to the next major
institution that typically comes into the mix -i.e. the school.

The school (from pre to College) serves multiple roles in multiple
dimensions in the process of racial identity matrix formation,
maintenance, perpetuation and independently as an agent of social
control for society.

The non-dominant racial child and the professional are more likely to
be judged guilty, incompetent, "the problem", biligerant, overly
aggressive, obstenent, insubordinant and incourageable by the school
in all its many guises (i.e. from pre-school to University, in
Academic treatises and research notes). Whereas the typical white
male is deemed innoncent, competent and given the benefit of the doubt
until prove otherwise, the non-dominant individual is presumed guilty,
incompetent, and suspect until they prove themselves otherwise. The
non-dominant individual is more likely to be marginalized, isolated,
and dismissed as non-relevant and more likely to be targeted,
tokenized, and challenged regardless of status (student or
professional) in the school system of America.

For the professional this means that their scholarship is more likely
to be considered ethnic, special topics and marginal to the
discipline. They are more likely to be used by institutions as
lightening rods, conspicously placed to be seen (the bank teller, the
news reporter, the Affirmative Action officer, the Public relations
expert, the recruiter, and or counselor particular to and for minority
youths.) Those professionals in education who are members of
non-dominant racial groups are more likely to be challenged,
intellectually ghetorized, and punished if they ernestly attempt to
change the system. For example, teachers who have demonstrated their
ability to help particularly poor non-dominant group members perform
at higher levels are typically displaced, replaced, are transfered to
predominantly dominant group educational settings.

Non-dominant children, who on average learn to speak, walk and read
at earlier periods then dominant children, suddenly become slow
learners, discipline problem and targets for isolation, ridicule
and/or explusion. Aggression, which among dominant male children is
praised and encouraged, is discouraged and prolematical when exhibited
by non-dominant males or females in general.

Well, I gotta go...but i will return to this later...

"Only when lions have Historians will hunters cease to being heroes."
African Proverb

UMOJA,
Still in the struggle

Rodney D. Coates
Director of Black World Studies
Associate Professor of Sociology
Miami University
Oxford, Ohio - 45056

PH: 513-5291235

------------------------------

Date: Wed, 15 Nov 1995 12:06:50 EST
From: Rodney Coates
Subject: Race and Social Control: Part IIIa

when last we talked I made the following observations: (Note new
section starts at the ####@@@@)
I'm sorry in my haste I excluded an section of this it is at the
end...thanks..rc

Race as a process of social construction:

What I am suggesting is a dynamic, as opposed to a static, process.

####@@@@)

This section I know is incomplete: I shall complete it next time.
Right now I would like to shift our attention to the next major
institution that typically comes into the mix -i.e. the school.

Well, I gotta go...but i will return to this later...

New section:
Within the academic context a strange game is revealed where scarce
rewards are created and manipulated which serve to increase
competition as non-minorities are pitted against each other both
within and between groups. This is especially troubling in what has
been described as affirmative action, scholarship programs and etc.
Ronald Regan, notoreous in his complacency when it comes to issues of
race, formalized an unofficial policy of divide and conquer when he
was president. As the chief executive he encouraged the development
of a quota system for affirmative action and made it implicitly
national policy. The chief goal of this policy was to encourage
competition between racial minorities and organized labor. The
diabolical nature of this strategy is that he then turned arround and
accused liberals of creating the quota system. Pursueing this agenda,
he fought legislatively, judicially and within the executive branches
of government to destroy the creation of his own insideousness. This
practice had long been utilized by schools, the corporate world, and
elsewhere to confuse, incite, and minimize the potetential presence of
non-group member participation, advancement and access.

Alternatively, corporate, institutional, educational and other
administrative leaders, determined to derail Afirmative Action -
engaged in a policy of deciept and deception as they sought out
unqualified applicants to hire and admit. When these persons proved
to be inadequate for the task - another nail was placed in the AA
coffin.

"Only when lions have Historians will hunters cease to being heroes."
African Proverb

UMOJA,
Still in the struggle

Rodney D. Coates
Director of Black World Studies
Associate Professor of Sociology
Miami University
Oxford, Ohio - 45056

PH: 513-5291235

From jjh91231@PEGASUS.CC.UCF.EDUSat Nov 25 11:00:52 1995
Date: Wed, 22 Nov 1995 14:12:27 -0500
From: Jeffrey J Hogan
To: Multiple recipients of list AFROAM-L
Subject: More about race

Since, I didn't get much response withmy last post...I'll try again.

This is where I am at...

*Empirical: Corresponding to the natural science, based on empirical
observation;

*Transcendental: Corresponding to religion, philosophy, and the other
"classical" liberal arts, based on identification of essences and inner
natures;

*Subjective Aesthetic: Inner impressions of art and literature, what the
individual 'likes' or identifies with; unique to humans, and

*Intersubjective Historical: Corresponding to history, hermeneutics, critical
theory; identifying how a subject has been constructed in history.

To me, these are basically the four different ways of differentiating
between the 'races'

But, it is obvious that there will be some overlap. How can we enact
policies that will cash out the ones that overlap?

Meaning, light skinned black applies for a job - the person conducting
the interview questions why he identifies as black? and goes as far as
to tell him that he would be better off identifying as white.

I don't like this. I want to avoid this. Is it possible?

From fingram@wsnet.comSun Dec 10 22:16:27 1995
Date: Sun, 10 Dec 1995 21:08:51 -0600 (CST)
From: Floyd Ingram
To: fingram@wsnet.com
Subject: Race and Social Control

Date: Fri, 17 Nov 1995 14:19:39 EST
From: Rodney Coates
Subject: Race and Social Control: Version IV (with spell check)

Race and the emotions that it produces has plagued scholars and
humanity for close to two centuries. Race, a term arriving rather
late in human discourse, has been observed among the earliest of
civilizations. Race at once is both ideology and reality.

Race and the Average person. A visitor to any metropolitan area in
America will at once become aware of the variety of people they come
into contact with. Cities such as Chicago, New York, Atlanta, Houston
or Los Angeles have been described as global cities because they
reflect the rich diversity of the contemporary world. Here you will
find the largest concentrations of Japanese or Germans, of Africans or
Mexicans, of Russians or Italians, etc. - outside of their native
lands. Racial and cultural diversity are the definitive terms of what
America is. Although race helps to define America, race defies
definition.
Race, as with love, is in the eye of the beholder. When defining
ones own race the better qualities are typically assigned to self,
while condemnation or scorn is projected on the other. Such praise or
scorn, when coupled with a dominant position, often becomes reified as
truth. This tendency of self praise may be seen in the writings of
such diverse thinkers as Plato or Hitler, as Jefferson or Eisenhower,
or as the Fulani aristocracy (in ancient Zari) or the Afrikaners (of
contemporary South African).
Race and Academia. Commonly, race is associated with a particular
human group with certain cultural traits such as language, religion or
music (for example the Jewish race, black race, and German or Aryan
race) Linquests have utilized race to refer to particular language
groups (such as Romance, Sino-Tibetan, Polynesian, or Germanic).
On the basis of what is presumed to be 'immutable traits', others
have attempted to argue that racial categories reflect different
levels of evolutionary development with darker peoples at the bottom.

Clerics have also been perplexed when dealing with the dilemma of
race. Some, such as St. Augustine, have argued that all humans (not
withstanding differences in physical, behavior or intellectual
attributes) developed from one solitary pair. Others, following the
suggestions of Pope Urban II (1005), have looked upon all
non-Christians as heathens, less than human, and therefore justifiably
could be annihilated.
Early 20th century anthropologists typically used race to divide homo
sapiens into a number of subspecies. Race groups were consequently
associated with genetic and physical variation (such as Negroid,
Mongoloid, and Caucasoid). Currently very little agreement exist
among anthropologists regarding the exact number of racial groups.
Social scientists use race to refer to a social group that either
defines itself or is defined by others as a distinct group by virtue
of identifiable and immutable physical features. Associated with
these racial designations, society or the group typically ascribes
particular sets of cultural and psychological norms thought likewise
to be immutable and easily identifiable among racial group members.
Having said this there yet remains a great deal of confusion, even
among social scientists in particular and academe in particular
regarding what race is. Even more problematical is how race interacts
with class and gender to create what I call a identity matrices.
Finally, much of the scholarship available to the average student
concentrates on the American experience exclusively. While good, the
student is left with no way of understanding how these observations
fit into the wider global situation. I suggest that if we take the
American experience as a base, with suitable elaboration (see below
for a sketch), and compare these racial identity matrices with those
of other significant cultural/societal ones that a more complete
understanding may be provided. To begin this process let me suggest
the following sketch.
Race, a socially constructed means of social control, serves to
perpetuate economic, social, political, psychological, religious,
ideological and legal systems of inequality. If you could imagine a
series of concentric circles, each labeled according to the above list
(add more if you can think of them), which serve to define, structure
and limit the black experience - then the conceptualization of race
will be realized.
As concentric circles, these constraints appear to be much like a
bird cage. To the casual observer, each wire does not appear to be
sufficient in and of itself to retain the bird. But when viewed from
either within or as a whole we see a finely constructed cage. The
problem, from a pedagogical, policy, research, or activist
perspective, is that we tend to concentrate on only one wire-or
phenomenon. Removal of which leads to great anticipation that the war
has been won. Unfortunately, while even more insidious wires are
being constructed, the others are left in tact.

As with our discussion re: terminology. The deeper we go, the more
we see. Race is a multi-layered, multi-dimensional Janus headed beast
which, although socially constructed, has a momentum of its own. The
beast has a life of its own primarily because we (all of us) are
indoctrinated from birth, emersed in this viscous interacting web of
confusion.

The most viscous aspect of this emersion is the acceptance of the
permanence of the structure(s) that we call race. Part of this is
belied by such notions as its immutability, its endurance (its always
been this way, right ---wrong!!!) and its continual agility.

Racial domination as a means of social control appears to be quite
agile or adept at adjusting to changing social climates. When under
attack, it can be found deeply submerged in the societal psyche. As
conditions change, as new pressures insist upon a sacrificial lamb, it
re-emerges - fresh, clean and newly adorned.

Race as a process of social construction:

First of all, the structure I have been discussing is a complex set
of dynamic forces. Particular in regards to the pressures both
internal and external there are multiple ones. Yes there are
pressures within the racial matrix which attempts to control, define,
and structure ethnic identity matrixes. Yes there are pressures
external to the racial identity matrix which attempt to control,
define and structure its construction. But just as racial identity
matrixes can also influence the externally dominant culture so also
can ethnic identity matrixes influence and in many ways control the
construction (and or reconstruction) of racial identity matrixes.

From a purely historical perspective, and recognizing that
ethnicity precedes race chronologically, there can be identified
specific ethnic identity matrices which have had a more deliberate
impact upon the structure, definition and construction of racial
identity matrices. Similarly, particular ethnic matrices may lay claim
to notions of legitimacy, tradition, or expediency (by virtue of their
sheer size) which requires racial identity matrices to acknowledge. I
particularly here make reference to the role that African and English
ethnicity has upon Black and White racial identity formation.
Charismatic racial or ethnic leaders, historical moments,
political expediency may also have an impact upon this process.
Children are not born with a concept of race or their identity
within a racial matrix fixed. These are learned and constantly
manipulated throughout ones life. From infancy to the 4th year,
children typically are unaware of their racial identity. After this
period, they seem preoccupied with it as evidenced by their ability to
label themselves and significant others by virtue of physically
identifiable learned racial classifications. Race, may be viewed as
an rudimentary extension of family. Within this institution
typically the child bonds with, identifies with and learns to prefer
this group above others. It is here that the infant first learns to
differentiate between self and others. As this process is extended to
those outside of the family racial categorization comes into being. In
this process of differentiation the child also learns the biases
implicitly and explicitly projected by significant role models and
socialization agents.

Consider the following, there are multiple levels of dominance/social
control associated with the multiple levels of racial/ethnic and
gender identity matrices. We can identify these mechanisms at the
international, societal, regional, neighborhood and/or racial//ethnic
levels. While the first four levels do suggest a hierarchy, the
latter two (i.e. racial/ethnic) exist simultaneously at each level
while exerting an independent influence of its own. These multiple
and interacting levels of dominance/social control interact in strange
(and for me yet to be understood ways) and effect our awareness of
gender, power, reality and etc. Further, gender, racial identity
socialization are structured by this dynamic interaction. When we
factor in external conditions of economic development, historical
circumstance, political exigencies, and cultural value systems greater
understanding regarding this process ensues.
The interaction of these characterizations with those presented
(either implicitly or explicitly) through school, church, peers and
friendship networks, and the media serves to preserve and/or modify
ones attitudes with reference to racial identity.

What I am suggesting is a dynamic, as opposed to a static, process.

This dynamic process is, as indicated above, multifaceted,
multidimensional, time-geo-politically and class specific. The family
as the initial agent of socialization serves to introduce, perpetuate
and reinforce this dynamic process to the infant and child as it
encourages the continual(ous) formation racial identity matrices,
stereotypes, attitudes and behavior through play and toys, discourse,
sanctioning mechanisms, tv, music (etc) in implicit and explicit,
orchestrated and unintentional ways.
Typically socialization practices in these regards appear to reflect
intricate interactions between socio-economic status and race. Two
different processes seem operant depending upon family ses in regards
to the development, perpetuation and reinforcement of racial identity
matrices, and stereotypical attitudes and behavior. What I am
suggesting is that the lower the family ses the more conservative the
process. Alternatively, the higher the family's ses the more liberal
this socialization process will tend to be.

Further, there is greater pressure (socially, psychically, and
otherwise) to conform for those members of lower ses family
structures. (I will spend more time on this at a later date. I am
extremely sensitive to the culture of poverty argument, in fact my
argument is just the opposite. Those members of lower ses groups have
greater pressures placed on them to conform to societal norms to
include racial identity formation, more likely to be penalized for
expressions of difference, and least likely to be encouraged to do
otherwise. I do not want to imply that there is a culture of poverty.
Simply put, I would argue that there is a structure which serves to
limit options for those in lower ses groups. This structure is often
confused and mislabeled as a culture of poverty.)
It is at this point that sexuality and/or gender identity must also
be considered. If you accept my assumption that there is increased
pressure to conform placed on lower ses families. Then it follows, to
the extent that racial status is also a form of social status, that
lower ses families who are also members of lower status racial groups
will experience the highest pressures to conform. What this implies
regarding gender identity formation is that these families will also
be more rigid in their interpretation and encouragement of gender
identity. There is also a tendency for higher levels of homophobia to
be experienced. Girls in such families will find more encouragement
to play with dolls, cooking sets, and to be generally docile. Boys is
such families will find more encouragement to play with baseball and
football, trucks and tanks, soldiers and guns. (Note all groups will
find these gendered identities reinforced by hitech toys particular
video games such as Sega and Nintendo).

This section I know is incomplete: I shall complete it next time.
Right now I would like to shift our attention to the next major
institution that typically comes into the mix -i.e. the school.

The non-dominant racial child and the professional are more likely to
be judged guilty, incompetent, "the problem", belligerent, overly
aggressive, abstinent, insubordinate and incorrigible by the school in
all its many guises (i.e. from pre-school to University, in Academic
treatises and research notes). Whereas the typical white male is
deemed innocent, competent and given the benefit of the doubt until
prove otherwise, the non-dominant individual is presumed guilty,
incompetent, and suspect until they prove themselves otherwise. The
non-dominant individual is more likely to be marginalized, isolated,
and dismissed as non-relevant and more likely to be targeted,
tokenized, and challenged regardless of status (student or
professional) in the school system of America.

Similar observations were made by Frantz Fanon in his Black Skin,
White Mask where he makes the following observation:

". . .the Negroes' inferiority complex is particularly intensified
among the most educated, who must struggle with it unceasingly. Their
way of doing so, he adds, is frequently naive: "The wearing of
European clothes, whether rags or the most up-to-date style; using
European furniture and European forms of social intercourse; adorning
the Native language with European expressions; using bombastic phrases
in speaking or writing a European language; all these contribute to a
felling of equality with the European and his achievements."

He goes on to observe:

"I have known-and unfortunately I still know-people born in Dahomey or
the Congo who pretend to be natives of the Antilles; I have known . .
.Antilles Negroes who are annoyed when they are suspected of being
Senegalese. This is because the Antilles Negro is more "civilized"
than the African, that is, he is more close to the white man; and this
difference prevails not only in back streets and on boulevards but
also in public service and the army. " (pg. 25-26)

Fanon suggests that dominant racial groups norms produce external
pressures that dictate cultural values which structure behavior of
non-dominant group members. Fanon examines many of the social
controls exerted externally to racial group identity formation. This
is also observed by Collier-Thomas and Turner in " Race, class and
color : The African American discourse on identity" published in the
Journal of American Ethnic History 1994, v14n1, Fall p. 5-31. In this
article they discuss the interaction between societal racial group
designation and how the group manipulates this designation . Of
particular interests is how they describe how these designations among
African Americans have changed their designations which reflects
shifts in group
identity over time.

Of all places how we perceive and project ourselves also is
demonstrated to be a source of conflict and stress. Consider the
observations made by Judith Wilson, " Beauty rites : Towards an
anatomy of culture in African American women's art." published in
International Review of African American Art 1994, v11n3, p. 11- 17 .
In this article she observes that this competition represents a major
source of tension that pervades African American history up to this
present day. This tension is between two competing images -one from
the dominant culture and the other from within the racial group in
reference to hair straightening.

The best research that I have to date come across which does this
however comes from Beth Bailey's article entitled "The "Double-V"
campaign in World War II Hawaii :African Americans, racial ideology,
and federal power found in the Journal of Social History 1993, v26n4,
Summer p. 817-843. In this article she take Turner's ideas about
external structure of social action and demonstrates how racial
identity interacts with group identity matrices and externally defined
norms arising from the dominant groups. This study, looking at the
experiences of 30,000 AA military personnel and war workers serving in
Hawaii during WWII
should be on the top of your list.

For the professional this means that their scholarship is more likely
to be considered ethnic, special topics and marginal to the
discipline. They are more likely to be used by institutions as
lightening rods, conspicuously placed to be seen (the bank teller, the
news reporter, the Affirmative Action officer, the Public relations
expert, the recruiter, and or counselor particular to and for minority
youths.) Those professionals in education who are members of
non-dominant racial groups are more likely to be challenged,
intellectually ghetorized, and punished if they earnestly attempt to
change the system. For example, teachers who have demonstrated their
ability to help particularly poor non-dominant group members perform
at higher levels are typically displaced, replaced, are transferred to
predominantly dominant group educational settings.

Non-dominant children, who on average learn to speak, walk and read
at earlier periods then dominant children, suddenly become slow
learners, discipline problem and targets for isolation, ridicule
and/or expulsion. Aggression, which among dominant male children is
praised and encouraged, is discouraged and problematical when
exhibited
by non-dominant males or females in general.

Within the academic context a strange game is revealed where scarce
rewards are created and manipulated which serve to increase
competition as non-minorities are pitted against each other both
within and between groups. This is especially troubling in what has
been described as affirmative action, scholarship programs and etc.

Ronald Reagan, notorious in his complacency when it comes to issues
of race, formalized an unofficial policy of divide and conquer when he
was president. As the chief executive he encouraged the development
of a quota system for affirmative action and made it implicitly
national policy. The chief goal of this policy was to encourage
competition between racial minorities and organized labor. The
diabolical nature of this strategy is that he then turned around and
accused liberals of creating the quota system. Pursuing this agenda,
he fought legislatively, judicially and within the executive branches
of government to destroy the creation of his own insidiousness. This
practice had long been utilized by schools, the corporate world, and
elsewhere to confuse, incite, and minimize the potential presence of
non-group member participation, advancement and access.

Alternatively, corporate, institutional, educational and other
administrative leaders, determined to derail Affirmative Action -
engaged in a policy of deception and deception as they sought out
unqualified applicants to hire and admit. When these persons proved
to be inadequate for the task - another nail was placed in the AA
coffin.

"Only when lions have Historians will hunters cease to being heroes."
African Proverb

UMOJA,
Still in the struggle

Rodney D. Coates
Director of Black World Studies
Associate Professor of Sociology
Miami University
Oxford, Ohio - 45056

PH: 513-5291235